POINT OF VIEW
Labor And The Nation
The workers of the nation were tired of waiting for corporate
industry to right their economic wrongs, to alleviate their
social agony and to grant them their political rights. Despairing
of fair treatment, they resolved to do something for themselves.
They, therefore, have organized a new labor movement, conceived
within the principles of the national bill of rights and committed
to the proposition that the workers are free to assemble in
their own forums, voice their own grievances, declare their
own hopes and contract on even terms with modern industry for
the sale of their only material possession ˜ their labor.
Labor does not see industrial strife. It wants
peace, but a peace with justice. In the long struggle for labor's
rights it has been patient and forbearing. Workers have
kept faith in American institutions. Most of the conflicts,
which have occurred have been when labor's right to live
has been challenged and denied.
If there is to be peace in our industrial
life let the employer recognize his obligation to his employees
- at least to the degree set forth in existing statutes. Ordinary
problems affecting wages, hours, and working conditions, in
most instances, will quickly respond to negotiation in the council
room. No tin-hat brigade of goose-stepping vigilantes or bibble-babbling
mob of blackguarding and corporation paid scoundrels will prevent
the onward march of labor, or divert its purpose to play its
natural and rational part in the development of the economic,
political and social life of our nation.
Unionization, as opposed to communism, presupposes
the relation of employment; it is based upon the wage system
and it recognizes fully and unreservedly the institution of
private property and the right to investment profit. It is upon
the fuller development of collective bargaining, the wider expansion
of the labor movement, the increased influence of labor in our
national councils, that the perpetuity of our democratic institutions
must largely depend.
Labor has suffered just as our farm population
has suffered from a viciously unequal distribution of the national
income. In the exploitation of both classes of workers has been
the source of panic and depression, and upon the economic welfare
of both rests the best assurance of a sound and permanent prosperity.
In this connection let me call attention to
the propaganda which some of our industrialists are carrying
on among the farmers. By pamphlets in the milk cans or attached
to machinery and in countless other ways of direct and indirect
approach, the farmers of the nation are being told that the
increased price of farm machinery and farm supplies is due to
the rising wage level brought about by the Committee for Industrial
Organization. And yet it is the industrial millions of this
country who constitute the substantial market for all agricultural
products.
The interest of the two groups are mutually
dependent. It is when the pay roll goes down that the farmer's
realization is diminished, so that his loans become overdue
at the bank and the arrival of the tax collector is awaited
with fear. On the other hand it is the prosperity of the farmer
that quickness the tempo of manufacturing activities and brings
buying power to the millions of urban and industrial workers.
As we view the years that have passed this
has always been true and it becomes increasingly imperative
that the farm population and the millions of workers in industry
must learn to combine their strength for the attainment of mutual
and desirable objectives and at the same time learn to guard
themselves against the sinister propaganda of those who would
divide and exploit them.
Under the banner of the Committee for Industrial
Organization American labor is on the march. Its objectives
today are those it had in the beginning: to strive for the unionization
of our unorganized millions of workers and for the acceptance
of collective bargaining as a recognized American institution.
It seeks peace with the industrial world.
It seeks cooperation and mutuality of effort with the agricultural
population. It would avoid strikes. It would have its rights
determined under the law by the peaceful negotiations and contract
relationships that are supposed to characterize American commercial
life.
Until an aroused public opinion demands that
employers accept that rule, labor has no recourse but to surrender
its rights or struggle for their realization with its own economic
power.
The objectives of this movement are not political in a partisan
sense. Yet it is true that a political party which seeks the
support of labor and makes pledges of good faith to labor must,
in equity and good conscience, keep that faith and redeem those
pledges.
From a speech by John L. Lewis, delivered
Sept. 3, 1937